Author Archive

ISG Report & Arab-Israeli Peace


American Task Force on Palestine,

Americans for Peace Now
  &

Foundation for
Middle East Peace   

   Invite you to a luncheon & panel discussion


AFTER THE IRAQ STUDY GROUP REPORT: POSSIBILITIES FOR A COMPREHENSIVE ARAB-ISRAELI PEACE ON ALL FRONTS


 
With 

Ziad Asali, American Task Force on Palestine
Ori Nir, Americans for Peace Now
Robert Malley, International Crisis Group
Geoffrey Aronson, Foundation for Middle East Peace

The Report of the Iraq Study Group chaired by James Baker and Lee Hamilton has recommended, as part of a broad strategy for an American diplomatic offensive “to build an international consensus for stability in Iraq and the region,” “a renewed and sustained commitment by the United States to a comprehensive Arab-Israeli Peace on all fronts:  Lebanon, Syria, and President Bush’s June 2002 commitment to a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine.”  The panel members, some of whom will have just returned from the region, will discuss prospects for implementing the Study Group’s recommendations for renewed negotiations to resolve Israel’s conflicts with Palestine, Syria and Lebanon.

When: Tuesday, December 19, 2006
12:00-1:30pm

Where: Helen
Dwight Reed Foundation
1319 18th Street NW
Washington, DC 20036


RSVP Required:
[email protected]
or 202 887-0177

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Black Gold: The Financer of Tyranny

In a moment where the forces of dictatorship and tyranny seem to be pushing back against democracy, the common thread that has successfully aligned nations such as Iran, Russia, Venezuela, China, and Sudan have been the supply and demand of energy. While it is encouraging that the relationships forged seem to be more based on Machiavellian pragmatism then aligned ideologies or long term goals, problematic occurrences and diplomatic realignment have debilitated the West’s efforts to act against undemocratic forces. Increasingly, the ability to act as a geopolitical actor has been taken away from the United States and the UN as powers forge alliances with lesser but energy rich nations, specifically China and Russia with Iran and China with Sudan. Ultimately, the resources are finite and so is the tolerance that the rest of the world should and will have for these deleterious and reciprocally empowering relationships among undemocratic forces.

In third world countries, the production of black gold often hinders successful economic and political growth. For these nations domestically, the nature of the wealth that oil typically creates is concentrated in a few hands that often ascend to political power because of their access to resources. In economically stagnant and wartorn nations like Chad or Sudan, it means the ability to act opressively domestically without fearing recourse from the West out of fear of oil production. In developing nations such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, this means a stratified society that is secured by security apparatuses, oppression, and consolidated power. In more developed nations like Russia, it means high-level corruption and the use of oil as a political tool against regional rivals.

The primary player in the energy market after the United States has been China, whose soaring economy has created a huge international increase in demand for energy. As the BBC states, “From zero 15 years ago, China last year became the world’s number two oil importer… China has, we are told, been running around the world signing oil deals with everyone from Iran, to Sudan to Angola. In the race to secure future oil resources China is prepared to deal with even the dodgiest regimes, and pay the highest prices.” The Washington Post recently editorialized in ‘Responsible China? Darfur exposes Chinese hypocrisy.’, about the dynamics of China as a world player and China as an energy consumer, with the latter emerging as the more important need:

China’s ambassador to the United Nations made a formal statement on Darfur that calls into question China’s claim to be treated as a responsible international player. Mr. Wang began by saying that China wants U.N. peacekeepers to be deployed in Darfur, calling this a “good idea and realistic option,” one that should be done “as soon as feasible.” But then he went on to explain that China was refusing to support the U.N. resolution calling for such a deployment. Unless China changes its position, the result may well be tens of thousands of civilian deaths.

Mr. Wang argued that China could not support the resolution because Sudan’s government was not yet ready to accept U.N. peacekeepers on its soil. But the reason that Sudan is refusing to allow in peacekeepers is that it has faced little international pressure to do so. The United States and its European partners have called upon Sudan to let the U.N. force in. But China, which has enormous leverage over Sudan because of its investment in Sudanese oil fields, has failed to push the Sudanese into accepting the “realistic option” of a U.N. deployment. Indeed, China lobbied hard and successfully to prevent Russia from supporting the peacekeeping resolution, further undermining pressure on Sudan’s government to allow in peacekeepers.

Further, a recent Times interview with Prime Minister Wang of the PRC exposed China’s continued backtracking regarding decisive multilateral action against Iran’s nuclear program:

“China has close ties to Tehran with trade reaching nearly $8 billion in the first seven months of this year, much of that in the form of oil imports to fuel economic growth. Beijing has been vocal in urging negotiations, part of its traditional opposition to the use of sanctions in international diplomacy although it has always tried to avoid exercising its veto in the United Nations.”

At the Brookings Institute, Erica Downs describes the tenuous situation that Sino-American relations are heading towards:

The emergence of China over the past decade as a major importer of oil has catapulted energy toward the top of the list of issues — up there with trade and Taiwan — that are major sources of friction in Sino-American relations. China’s rapidly rising demand for energy is stoking anxiety in Washington that there is not enough oil in the world to satisfy the appetites both of America’s 300 million gas-guzzling citizens and of 1.3 billion Chinese. In turn, America’s unease has raised concerns in Beijing that the U.S. might deny China access to the oil it needs for continued economic growth.

Much has been made over this looming fight. Yet the real conflict brewing between the two powers isn’t because of direct competition for physical barrels of crude, but rather because oil is inextricably linked to other foreign policy issues on which Beijing and Washington don’t see eye to eye.

The two most prominent spots where China’s search for oil collides with American interests are the Sudan (the largest source of foreign production for Chinese companies) and Iran (China’s No. 3 supplier of crude imports). While Washington sees a major power using its permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council to frustrate efforts to halt genocide in Darfur and to slow international action to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions, Beijing sees international policies of limited efficacy that might jeopardize its oil supply.

While China’s energy demand has driven it into bed with new allies, Russia has leveraged its huge oil reserves for political gain as it seeks to reassert itself in the post-Cold War era. Vladimir Socor of the Jamestown Foundation demonstrates Russia’s ability to manipulate the use of gas (and in fact describes universal situations where the supplier is able to manipulate politic will out of economic necessity):

Moscow’s monopoly on the transit of eastern Caspian oil and gas to consumer markets in the industrialized democracies. The transit monopoly constitutes a novel type of economic and political leverage, usable against producer countries as well as against consumer countries. It is also an instrument of choice in the economic and political penetration of the countries of Europe’s East.

Continued, this could have the effect of debilitating foreign policy as the European Union has become almost completely dependent on Russia for crude oil:

Growing dependency on Russian energy supplies could increasingly impinge on the EU’s and some member countries’ foreign policy decisions and the strategic coherence of the Euro-Atlantic community.

The shift has occurred while the United States and NATO have been involved in Iraq and Afghanistan respectively that created a vacuum of power and the ability to enforce international law. This has given Russia and China more latitude to act brazenly with foreign policy in a reemergence of the Iron Curtain. Dictatorships in countries such as Belarus and Venezuela have seen little external pressure as they cozy up to oil powers and disregard the warnings from the West. While this has not created an international crisis, the ability for tyranny to thrive because of economic necessity is troubling. Indeed, the future for democracy cannot be borne or ignored from the desires of the free but from the commitment of the free, diplomatically and economically.

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Removing terrorists but not removing terrorism

The recent crisis in the Middle East has enflamed passions and continued the argument over history on the originations of the conflict. However, I have no desire to take this issue to task or recount different versions of a tortured history, and instead will focus on the reaction by Israel towards Lebanon in the context of democracy and international responsibility.

The problem for the West, Israel included, is not the terrorists themselves, but the atmosphere and conditions that create sympathy and participation in extremist behavior. Outside of Israel, there are three democratic states in the Middle East: Lebanon, Palestine, and Turkey. On the ground level, the average Palestinian makes 700 dollars a year, compared to over 30 thousand dollars for the average Israeli, Palestinians and Arabs in general live in autocratic, undemocratic, and economically stagnate societies, and the state of education and civil rights has regressed in the past fifty years. This provides ample support among the populous for movements that not only promise to punish the enemies of the West, but provide services and political outlets against undemocratic regimes that legitimize their actions. The popularity of extremist groups has meant nations, specifically Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Syria, have provided economic support and refuge for known terrorists. The pursuit of terrorism on a strictly military level fails to address the means about which terrorism becomes acceptable and entrenched into society.

The capture of two soldiers by Hezbollah and subsequent reaction by Israel has created a victim of Lebanon. Israeli military has been quick to punish Lebanon for the actions of Hezbollah as it seeks to reassert its ability to defend itself, provoked or preemptively. No matter how incapable Lebanon is of removing extremism on its own, Israel views it as still implicitly culpable for the acts of Hezbollah carried out on its territory. This can be defined as a bad apple spoiling the bunch, or for simplicities sake, collective punishment. While in the short term, this may be seen in Israel or the West as necessary action against a nation harboring terrorists, it is against the long term interests of all parties to undermine one of the only democracies in the Middle East region that apart from Hezbollah, has disavowed itself of militarist elements.

Lebanon is simply a fragile nation and a fledgling democracy. In the past thirty years, it has experienced a tortuous civil war along religious lines, a military occupation by Syria (left following the Cedar Revolution in 2005) and Israel (left in 2000 after 20 years of occupation), and has been an unwitting battleground in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The current crisis is an extension of the past that has proven peace is often a pseudonym for a lull in violence. The acts of collective punishment — the bombing of infrastructure, the debilitation of a nation, the killing of civilians in ‘collateral damage’ — are not only immoral but counter-productive towards stability and sustainable peace. While Israel has the right to defend itself, it must not pursue a defensive policy by compromising the chances for future peace, undermining the Lebanese government, and provoking hostility towards the West and sympathy for extremists by endangering civilians.

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The Reemergence of the Iron Curtain

While the Bush administration has lost its ability to assert itself internationally, the void in cohesive diplomatic power combined with fluctuating energy markets has created the opportunity for problematic relationships to develop outside of the Western spheres. China, a country high on energy demand and human rights abuse, and Russia, supplier of ever more tainted and corrupt oil, have become important trading partners. With the United States and Great Britain’s involvement in Iraq, NATO’s deployment in Afghanistan, and the short-term reliance on Russian gas in continental Europe, China and Russia have built a viable economic partnership as both continually support undemocratic and rogue states. While this has not manifested into a full-fledged political partnership, both China and Russia are increasingly agreeing on international issues that demand multilateral efforts.

In the first three months of 2006, bilateral trade between Russia and China exceeded $12 billion or up 53% year-on-year, and “it is only a beginning,” Russian President Vladimir Putin said during the SCO meeting June 15-16. “We have discussed military-technical cooperation — the volumes are very large, worth billions of dollars — and we intend to sustain these volumes”. On the sidelines of the high-profile bilateral summit meetings at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) sessions, Russian and Chinese officials reiterated earlier pledges to develop trade and investment cooperation (Sergei Blagov, Jamestown Foundation). The foundation of the agreements have been China’s energy demand and the Russian ability to supply crude oil, with neither having issues with one another’s pocked human rights record. The economic agreements are strengthened by similar aspirations towards Iran and North Korea, with the West desperately seeking each diplomatic support.

On the question of Russia, concerns of autocracy, bullying of NGO’s and political opposition, and the movement away from democracy and free enterprise have been shelved by the reality of energy demands and the hosting of the G-8 conference in St. Petersburg As Pavel Baev of the Jamestown Foundation enumerates, “The main topic President Putin, in his capacity as chairman, has put forward for joint consideration is energy security — and this seemingly uncontroversial headline has evolved into an explosive and bitterly contested proposition. It has been established beyond any reasonable doubt that Russia defines its energy security interests in such a way that would maximize the political dividends derived from the fact that it is by far the largest producer of energy in the world” and that “In the last public events before the summit Putin has exuded a confidence that no unpleasant questions about Russia’s retreat from democracy will spoil the meticulously planned schedule of photo-ops, small talk, and long toasts. Meeting with the participants of a broad international forum of NGOs in Moscow, he asserted that the G-8 had neither the time nor the intention to discuss human rights.” Energy security, the trump card in international affairs currently, has been used by the Russians to evade all conversations about internal reform and forced the West to create more lenience in comprises with Putin on international efforts.

While Dick Cheney has been critical of Russian interference in former Soviet republics, Mr. Bush looks to take a more muted voice into the G-8 conferences. This extends to European countries as well, with the inability to broker a deal with Iran over nuclear ambitions a continual topic that will debilitate the conversation with Putin: “and for now a deal on Iran’s nuclear aspirations still remains within that category of “possible.” For European leaders it also makes perfect political sense not to irritate the extra-sensitive host. Everybody will be on their best behavior — but it is quite possible that the club of politically super-correct leaders will fall victim to this “don’t-ask-don’t-tell” ritual.”

In the Washington Post, Fred Hiatt notes what is really remarkable about the G-8 conference, “is that Putin has become a leader and an emblem of an active movement to combat the spread of democracy.” China and Russia do not only support anti-democratic regimes throughout the world, but actively support them. Hiatt speaks of the latest example, “last week of how the Kremlin has eliminated Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty broadcasts from most Russian radio stations without formally banning the programming — instead harassing, insinuating and threatening to revoke licenses — provides a good example.”, and the mimicking and importing of anti-democratic practices in other nations, “And the rebounding dictators are learning from each other. In January, Putin signed legislation regulating nongovernmental organizations that will give 30,000 bureaucrats the option of revoking the registration of any troublesome group. Now Hugo Chavez in Venezuela and Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe are pushing similar legislation. China reportedly sent researchers to Uzbekistan and other former Soviet states to compare notes on democracy countermeasures; meanwhile, Belarus’ dictator, Alexander Lukashenko, “reportedly acquired China’s latest internet monitoring and control technology while in Beijing in December 2005,” NED reported.” China and Russia, with the West unable to react, have had a free hand at reasserting their prominence within their spheres of influence and building political allies across the globe.

While the efforts of China and Russia have not been formalized beyond economics and trade, the increased cooperation of the two states means a new shift in the diplomatic arena. Russia, the closet partner in Iran’s nuclear ambitions, and China, the man behind the North Korean and Sudanese curtain, have been viewed as the key partners to restoring order to these hot button issues. And for that exact reason, anti-democratic efforts facilitated by Russia and China have not been checked as diplomatic and economic reality trump political ideals.

Originally posted on Publius Pundit

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per-active international Kontributionen! (An Addendum to German Remilitarization)

While I did not get selected as one of the best bloggers for the Atlantic Review Carnival Blog, I did get some interesting comments in reply to my article on German Remilitarization. Extrablog, a German blog, had the following to say (via Google Translation):

On the wood path: Prose Before Hos becomes enthusiastic for a perspective, which cannot more grotesque at all be. Germany must advance the militarization in the interest of its international diplomacy and social achievements and prepare the public for coming “per-active international Kontributionen” politically. Hey! Gringo! It is called not proactive internationally contributions, but complex mission far away from home with little support from the host nation.

The message can be deciphered fairly easy through the translation: my idea is pretty irrational for a society that has no interest in engaging in current world affairs on a military level (or simply, my idea cannot be more ‘grotesque’). I am a very liberal individual who is against America’s invasion of Iraq, but Germany could and should contribute more to the world peacekeeping force, either as a part of NATO or the UN. The question isn’t about conducting missions with the necessity of public support, but being involved with decisions made in international bodies and aiding current operations across the globe. I do not want to use the phrase ‘moral responsibility’, but on several levels the Germans should be compelled to act in areas like Darfur and Afghanistan. Obviously, this is not a task that only Germans face but many nations, including Spain, France, and other NATO nations that have been decidedly against American policies but still seeking a significant role in international affairs. While I understand his point that election politics stiffles the ability for a lot of countries to act decisively in current situations (see the election of Socialists in Spain), a proactive role in peacekeeping efforts is preferable to an isolationism that alienates both former and current allies.


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English language host: Davids Medienkritik
German language host: Extrablog
List of all submissions: Carnival Blog
Organized by: Atlantic Review

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