Tunisia: No Bang, No Guns, No Press
On October 23, an additional 42,000 Tunisian security forces patrolled the country to maintain order and peace. Prior to Mohamed Bouazizi’s heroic act of self-immolation that triggered the Tunisian revolution, said “order and peace” may have been more reminiscent of government-mandated oppression that left Tunisians silent for decades. Though nine months after its conception, the rebellious spirit of Bouazizi’s act gave birth to the first free elections the country had seen in over 20 years. What’s more, forces did not congregate to scare citizens away from voting; they were there to ensure that they could. And the Tunisians did: millions of registered voters cast their ballots in this historic election and seminal step toward democracy. As today’s Americans are known to cloak themselves in voter apathy yet simultaneously tout their belief in spreading democracy to the world, there is much for the United States to admire in the small North African nation.
A Formidable Feat
The fiercely secular dictatorship of Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali trampled its citizens for 23 years before it was finally overthrown by those formerly trampled on. Despite steady GDP growth and slashing the poverty rate from 7.4% in 1990 to 3.8% in 2005, many Tunisians still suffered from high rates of unemployment and a staggering amount of censorship. The proverbial cards were stacked high against them: even their constitution stated that “liberties of opinion, expression, the press, publication, assembly, and association are […] defined by the law.”
Yet the movement came directly from the people who suffered the most: the stakes were high, the future was uncertain, yet it was the Tunisians’ firm resolve that led them to the recently held free elections. They moved quickly, independently, and relatively peacefully, all of which help to explain why their transitions and successes lack the media coverage that Tunisia’s neighbors in Egypt and Libya have received. When things go well, no one cares.
In fact, things have gone so well that as soon as an earthquake rocked Turkey, everyone forgot about the stunning sea change that continues to sweep through Tunisia in great numbers. Over 90% of registered voters—men and women—went to their local polling stations to participate in what many saw as a celebration. Mohammed Naceur Ben Abdennebi from Gabes, Tunisia, said the following: “When I entered the voting booth, I realized the full extent of my new citizenship, because in previous years I never really tasted its worth. Thank God for this opportunity made available to me in my life. These are the first signs of the radiant future awaiting Tunisia.”
The Rise of the Tunisian “Renaissance”
Many others echoed Abdennebi’s enthusiasm, and rightfully so. As the day wore on and polls began to close, ballots cast from around the country were sealed and delivered to the Sousse Electoral Observatory as precious cargo. Amid the “mobile” environs that greatly contributed to Tunisia’s successful revolution, the votes were counted by hand, not by machine. While there were the inevitable claims of “vote buying”, international leaders like President Barack Obama and United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon declared the election to be remarkably free and fair, the result of which was the moderate Ennahda party’s gain of 90 out of the 217 seats in its Constituent Assembly.
Despite receiving over 41% of the vote, there have been several concerns raised by Ennahda critics in recent days, some of which resulted in more protests. Its critics worry of the resurgence of religious politics that could potentially dismantle the fledgling “democracy,” and many secular Tunisians fear Islam’s integration into social and political spheres that could further stunt the nation’s economic growth (unemployment rates have only risen after Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia). Yet the vocal criticism is not something about which to be wary, it is something to be praised: there is little more indication of a political system’s strength than being able to actively engage in unbridled criticism of it. And worry not, the Ennahda party has made no effort to silence it.
While the criticism has been present, its size and spread has been few. Why? The Ennahda party is moderate and has firsthand experience of persecution. Throughout the Ben Ali regime the Ennahda party, or “Renaissance” party, was banned and many of its members were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned by the secular government. They have claimed, obviously, that they do not seek to repeat that. As spokesperson Samin Dilou stated in an interview, the Ennahda party “[does] not want a theocracy. We want a democratic state that is characterized by the idea of liberty. The people are to decide for themselves how to live … we are not an Islamist party, we are an Islamic party.”
The Party has cited Christian democracy in Germany and Italy as well as the Justice and Development party of Turkey in how it wishes to implement the mores of Islam. It pledges to have a multi-party system that rules via consensus, is committed to pluralism, democracy, and gender equality. These are long-term goals, and it is with these goals that a transitional party should concern itself.
As such, the unrealistic promises of thousands of jobs, free healthcare, and new factories did not result in the Popular Manifesto party’s aspirations of assembly majority but rather in the anger of its members. As a consequence, many have taken to the very streets where the revolution began in order to exercise their right to protest:
Though as Tunisian journalist Naziha Rejiba says, “the great risk for Tunisia isn’t Islamist participation in politics but rather a return to repression.” The fact that the Ennahda party is already in talks with other parties seated in the assembly suggests that there is little of that to worry about. And make no mistake: coupled with a staggering percentage of voter turnout and the successful ousting of a 23-year regime in a little over a month, Ennahda party leaders know exactly what their constituents are capable of. The Tunisians are alive, they are empowered, and they are mobile—any political party would be foolish, masochistic, or both to tamper with that.
The Democratic Drift of the United States
In the United States, general apathy toward voting has allowed many politicians to take advantage of the more imperfect aspects of our own infantile system to achieve their own corrupt goals. As a result, much of the manifested unrest throughout the country may be blamed on politicians spooning with corporations but it must also be attributed to the typical American voter’s seemingly vegetative state the past fifty years.
According to the Fair Vote Organization, even at its 1960 zenith, the percent of eligible Americans who proceeded to vote never exceeded 65%. When compared to almost all established democracies, American election participation is down right embarrassing. In Canada, voter turnout is consistently around 70-75%. In the first round of the French presidential election, 86.8% of registered voters cast their vote. In little Luxembourg, 91.7% of registered voters participated in the 2004 in the proportional representation election for its legislature.
It is generally considered that voting is a vital component of a healthy democracy. Thus when turnout is low, so too is the quality of democracy. What does that say about a country that claims to be its greatest success story and implants it in the form of bombs, troops, and acts of economic imperialism throughout the world?
Sure, there are obvious flaws in the United States voting system. The constitution has moved at a snail’s pace in its inclusion of women and African Americans and now it is beginning to exclude the homeless. It tends to disfavor the working class. But ask Amina Jouini about free time. To her, freedom is more important than free time. Voting is a way to be a part of history, and more importantly it is a way to change it. “I rushed early this morning to be on time, at 7 o’clock,” she said. “You could see for yourself the way […] women are shaping history, once again.”
In Tunisia, people died to express themselves and participate directly in history and democracy. In the United States, however, history is not something you make but is something that has passed. Until recently, we have estranged ourselves from national political dialogue and dissent much as we have drifted from democracy in one of its most fundamental properties: voting. Yet throughout these drifts we have remained adamant in imposing our distorted vision of democracy on others. That is yet another area where Tunisia prevails: Tunisian activists do not claim to teach democracy to others, rather they are happy to promote “democratic learning” with Libya and Egypt. The United States has quite a bit to learn about democracy—we should join them.
